Boston College moves that the Court vacate the District Court’s January 20, 2012, Findings and Order and dismiss appeal as moot

UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIRST CIRCUIT
___________________________________________________________________________
No. 12-1236
IN RE: REQUEST FROM THE UNITED KINGDOM PURSUANT TO THE TREATY BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM ON MUTUAL ASSISTANCE IN CRIMINAL MATTERS IN THE MATTER OF DOLOURS PRICE,

UNITED STATES,
Petitioner – Appellee
v.
TRUSTEES OF BOSTON COLLEGE, ET AL.,
Movants – Appellants
__________________________________________________________________
NOTICE OF BOSTON COLLEGE OF SUGGESTION OF DEATH
__________________________________________________________________

Pursuant to Fed. R. App. P. 43(a)(1), Appellants Trustees of Boston College and two of its representatives, Robert K. O’Neill, the Librarian of the John J. Burns Library at Boston College, and Boston College University Professor Thomas E. Hachey (collectively, “Boston College”), notify the Court of the death of the Dolours Price, the subject of this matter as identified in the caption of the case.

Boston College moves that the Court vacate the District Court’s January 20, 2012, Findings and Order and dismiss this appeal as moot.

1. The Commissioner’s August 2011 subpoenas to Boston College that are the subject of this appeal (“the subpoenas”) captioned the proceedings as “in criminal matters in the matter of Dolours Price.”

2. The subpoenas were issued pursuant to the Treaty Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland on Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters (S. Treaty Doc. No. 109-13) (the US-UK MLAT).

3. Article 1, Section 1bis [second] of the US-UK MLAT provides that assistance from the United States under that treaty “shall not be available for matters in which the administrative authority anticipates that no prosecution or referral, as applicable, will take place.”

4. According to news reports, Dolours Price was found dead on January 23, 2013, at her home in Malahide, Northern Ireland.

5. Her death means that criminal matters of Dolours Price can no longer be the subject of any prosecution or referral, and as a result the provisions of the US-UK MLAT pursuant to which the subpoenas were issued are no longer available.

For the reasons stated in this notice, Boston College moves that this Court vacate the District Court’s January 20, 2012, Findings and Order and dismiss this appeal as moot.

By their attorney,
/s/ Jeffrey Swope
Jeffrey Swope (BBO# 490760)
Nicholas A. Soivilien (BBO #675757)
EDWARDSWILDMAN PALMER LLP
111 Huntington Avenue
Boston, Massachusetts 02199-7613
(617) 239-0100
jswope@edwardswildman.com
Dated: January 28, 2013

Belfast Project researchers at Boston College win Supreme Court stay

Belfast Project researchers at Boston College win Supreme Court stay
By Dennis Sadowski
The Boston Pilot – Catholic News
10/23/2012

WASHINGTON (CNS) — Two researchers studying Northern Ireland’s troubled past for a Boston College oral history project won a stay from a Supreme Court justice that blocks a federal appeals court decision requiring them to turn over information they gathered to the British government.

Justice Stephen Breyer ruled Oct. 17 that Belfast Project director Ed Moloney and interviewer Anthony McIntyre, a former Irish Republican Army member, would not have to turn over one of the interviews referencing a 1972 murder.

Breyer gave the researchers until Nov. 16 to file a writ of certiorari seeking a Supreme Court hearing of their case.

The stay will expire if the high court declines to hear the case. If the Supreme Court agrees to hear the case, then the stay will remain in place until the justices issue a ruling, Breyer’s order said.

The justice’s ruling stays a September order from the 1st U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Boston that would have required the researchers to turn over the recording of an interview with a former Irish Republican Army member cites the group’s involvement in the death of a widow and mother of 10 to the Department of Justice.

The Belfast Project is chronicling a period known as the Irish Troubles, which lasted from the 1960s until 1998 when the Good Friday peace agreement was signed. The agreement ended violent hostilities in Northern Ireland between forces seeking to unite the region with Ireland and those wanting it to remain under British rule.

Justice Department lawyers sought the information on behalf of the Police Service of Northern Ireland under a Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty between the United States and the United Kingdom.

Attorney Jonathan Albano, representing Moloney and McIntyre, told Catholic News Service that the recordings of dozens of interviews of former members of the Irish Republican Army and the Ulster Volunteer Force were conducted with the promise that they would remain confidential until an interviewee died or gave their consent for release.

Moloney and McIntyre vowed in August to pursue an appeal to the Supreme Court after the appeals court decided not to rehear the case. In July, a three judge panel of the appeals court rejected the researchers’ appeal that they had no legal right to surrender information about the murder.

Albano said the legal team would file the writ with the Supreme Court by the Nov. 16 deadline.

In a summary of the case, Jack Dunn, director of news and public affairs at Boston College, said Moloney oversaw the recording of 26 interviews of former IRA members by McIntyre as well as 20 interviews with former members of the Ulster Volunteer Force by loyalist Wilson McArthur between 2002 and 2006. The tapes and transcripts were sent to Boston College for storage under an agreement that they would be held in confidence until the death of the participants, the summary said.

“From the beginning, Boston College’s intention was to be a repository of an oral history project that would provide a future resource for historians and scholars seeking a better understanding of the Troubles, while also helping to promote peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland. At no time has Boston College wanted to obfuscate a criminal investigation into a horrible abduction and murder,” Dunn’s document said.

Tapes wanted by PSNI ‘do not mention murder’

Tapes wanted by PSNI ‘do not mention murder’
Suzanne Breen
Belfast Telegraph
September 21, 2012

A former Boston College researcher will today tell a court that no mention was made of murder victim Jean McConville in the taped interview at the centre of a massive legal row.

The PSNI has launched a transatlantic courtroom battle to obtain the tape in which ex-IRA bomber Dolours Price allegedly admitted involvement in Mrs McConville’s disappearance and claimed the killing was ordered by Gerry Adams.

But Anthony McIntyre, the ex-IRA member who interviewed Price for the Boston project, will today tell Belfast High Court that she never even mentioned the murdered mother of ten’s name once.

In an affidavit lodged in the court and seen by the Belfast Telegraph, Mr McIntyre states: “There is absolutely no doubt in my mind that Ms Price did not mention the case of Jean McConville during the interviews I conducted with her.”

The PSNI legal bid began last year after allegations that Price had recorded admissions regarding the murder in her Boston College interview.

Mr McIntyre said when he read the report, “I was astounded as I know that she had made no such record.”

The Price tape is currently in the possession of the US courts. Subpoenas were served on Boston College in May 2011 by the US Attorney General on behalf of the PSNI.

McIntyre’s claim raises questions that the PSNI’s costly legal battle pursuing the tape may turn out to be a wild goose chase.

It could mean the McConville family’s hopes that securing the tape will bring justice for their mother, and see her killers’ prosecuted, may also be dashed.

Mrs McConville, a widow, was abducted from her West Belfast home in 1972 and driven across the border where she was shot dead and secretly buried by the IRA as an alleged “informer”.

Mr McIntyre’s solicitor, Kevin Winters, said: “Very serious and sensitive issues have been raised by this case and we hope that further scrutiny at today’s hearing will assist in resolving these.”

Mr McIntyre’s evidence supports that of former Boston College project director, journalist Ed Moloney.

In an affidavit presented to the court, which has been seen by the Belfast Telegraph, Mr Moloney said the project’s interviewees were promised nothing they said would be revealed until after their deaths.

“However, I believe (it is) time to reveal what the interviews did not disclose,” the journalist stated. “In her interviews with Anthony McIntyre, Dolours Price did not once mention the name ‘Jean McConville’.

“The subject of that unfortunate woman’s disappearance was never mentioned. Nor so were the allegations that Dolours Price was involved in any other disappearance carried out by the IRA in Belfast, nor that she received orders to disappear people from Gerry Adams.”

Mr Moloney stated that the interviews with Price lacked “any material that could ever have justified the subpoenas”.

The journalist claimed the PSNI’s actions “may well amount to an abuse of process”. Dozens of ex-loyalist and republican paramilitaries were interviewed for the Boston College oral history project between 2001 and 2006.

They were promised their interviews wouldn’t be released until after their death and the tapes were stored in the college.

The only two interviews so far published have been those of ex-Belfast Brigade IRA commander Brendan Hughes and former UVF member and PUP leader David Ervine. The republicans were interviewed by Anthony McIntyre and the loyalists by Wilson McArthur.

Irish groups seeking alliance with Boston College

Irish groups seeking alliance with Boston College
IN NEWS & VIEWS
Irish Echo
SEPTEMBER 10, 2012

Full text of letter to Boston College

Three leading Irish American organizations supporting the campaign to have withdrawn the subpoenas directed at Boston College in the Troubles archives case have reached out to the university in an effort to forge a common front.

As things stand, archivists Ed Moloney and Anthony McIntyre have been appealing one aspect of the overall case as it relates to an initial set of subpoenas, while Boston College is separately appealing another set.

The first set of subpoenas issued by the U.S. Justice Department concerns archive material on former IRA member Dolours Price held in BC’s Burns Library, and it was this set that was at the heart of the court argument that led to the recent court of appeals decision which went against archive compilers Ed Moloney and Anthony McIntyre, and is now being pitched by the two at the U.S. Supreme Court.

Boston College, however, is not a party to this part of the overall case.

Boston College spokesman, Jack Dunne, previously explained that because Price had given interviews in Ireland that covered areas contained in the archives and “had publicly declared the contents,” there was “no basis for a legal appeal” by Boston College.

Boston College, however, is contesting subpoenas aimed at securing archive files stemming from testimonies given by seven other individuals, all linked in the past to the IRA.

Relations between Moloney and McIntyre and Boston College have become severely strained in recent months and the call from the three organizations, the Ancient Order of Hibernians, Brehon Law Society and Irish American Unity Conference would appear to be an attempt to heal the rift.

The three, according to a statement, “have appealed to (Boston College) President William P. Leahy S.J. to join the educational campaign regarding Britain’s unprecedented effort in America to intimidate journalistic inquiry, academic freedom and to color the historical record of the Anglo- Irish conflict to their liking.”

“We believe,” stated Thomas J. Burke Jr., president of the Irish American Unity Conference, in reference to BC, that “there is no better institution in this nation to voice concern for these issues than one so long associated with the Irish and their contributions to America.”

The letter, signed by Burke, AOH National President Brendan Moore and Robert Dunne for the Brehons, indicated that even as the Court of Appeals litigation continued to search for a decision that might recognize the constitutional freedoms involved and elevate them over the flawed inquiry by the British government, Boston College “could make an immeasurable contribution to the political campaign. It could identify these larger issues by appealing to members of Congress to hold hearings on the merits of this questionable use of a Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty.”

Brendan Moore, newly elected National President of the AOH said: “the 1998 Belfast Agreement is recognized by most in America as the turning point in the conflict and the hard work of peace can only be made more difficult by this apparent effort by the British government to undermine the peace process.”

Added Robert Dunne, president of the Brehon Law Society: “Boston College has rendered unto Caesar what is Caesar’s by responding to the subpoena and now we ask that this fine Jesuit institution speak truth to power and seek a forum to do that in the halls of Congress.”

The letter to Fr. Leahy was written before the First Court of Appeals decision to deny Moloney and McIntyre an “en banc” appeal against an earlier panel ruling that went against them. The two journalists have now moved to present their case to the U.S. Supreme Court.

See previously: Appeal to Boston College to Join the Fight Against Holder Subpoena

Belfast Court Issues Stay On Materials

Belfast Court Issues Stay On Materials
By David Cote
News Editor
The Heights
Published: Sunday, September 9, 2012

Editor’s Note: This story is part of an ongoing series about the subpoenas of the Belfast Project.

As the legal battle over the fate of the Belfast Project tapes continues in the United States Court of Appeals in Boston, and an appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court is in the works on behalf of researchers Ed Moloney and Anthony McIntyre, the two earned a small victory on Friday in the Belfast courts. The Irish High Court issued an injunction on Friday afternoon, temporarily preventing the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) from accessing any interviews from the project that may be turned over as a result of the subpoenas.

The injunction will prevent any and all tapes, including those recorded with former IRA member Dolours Price, from falling into the hands of the British authorities, despite the U.S. appeal court ruling last month that the tapes be handed over.

According to arguments made by lawyers on behalf of Moloney and McIntyre, releasing the tapes to the PSNI would put the lives of the researchers and those who participated in the interviews at risk due to the sensitive nature of the material disclosed.

“The PSNI seeing or receiving this material is going to be putting the applicant’s life at risk,” said David Scoffield on behalf of McIntyre, according to the BBC.

In addition, Scoffield argued that the injunction he wished was only temporary, until Moloney’s judicial review could be assessed.

Judge Justice Treacy pointed out that the appeal in the Belfast courts seemed to be a direct response to recent rulings in the U.S. preventing Moloney and McIntyre from interceding in the Belfast Project case.

“It seems a bit rich, having taken that step, then coming to this court having failed in America, to seek to restrict the police access to this material in discharging their obligation to investigate serious crime,” Treacy said, according to the BBC.

Treacy granted the temporary injunction, but emphasized that the injunction is directed only to the PSNI, and not American authorities.

“There is no question whatsoever of this being an injunction directed towards any American authorities,” Treacy said. “The interim relief is directed solely at the PSNI and any other relevant UK authorities.”

While the stay remains in place, two legal cases continue in the U.S. The first, involving lawyers representing BC, seeks to reverse Judge William G. Young’s ruling that seven Belfast Project tapes should be handed over to the PSNI in relation to the investigation of the murder of Jean McConville in 1972. BC has argued that the tapes have “limited probative value” to the investigation and should remain confidential.

The second case, proceeding on behalf of Moloney and McIntyre, seeks a stay on all Belfast Project tapes, including those with Price.

“In Boston, attorneys Eamonn Dornan and JJ Cotter have filed a petition to the First Circuit Court of Appeals seeking a stay on the handover of the Price interviews as well as those that are the subject of Friday’s appeal by Boston College, until the Supreme Court considers a bid to hear the case, which has huge constitutional, legal and political consequences, in front of America’s highest court,” Moloney said in a press release dated Sept. 6.

The temporary injunction issued by the Belfast court will remain in place until the researchers’ judicial review challenge is heard.

Belfast Project Case May Go To Supreme Court

Belfast Project Case May Go To Supreme Court
Arguments For BC’s Appeal Begin Sept. 6
By David Cote
News Editor
Boston College Heights
Published: Wednesday, September 5, 2012

Editor’s Note: This story is part of an ongoing series about the subpoenas of the Belfast Project.

Irish journalist and Belfast Project researcher Ed Moloney, together with Belfast Project researcher and former IRA member Anthony McIntyre, recently announced their intention to bring the case of the Belfast Project to the United States Supreme Court. The pair, appealing a decision by the United States First Circuit Court of Appeal that rejected their right to intervene in the Boston College archive case, have repeatedly emphasized the case’s vast constitutional importance and potentially harmful ramifications on the fragile peace process in Northern Ireland and the enterprise of oral history.

“We wish to make it clear that we now intend to apply to the Supreme Court of the United States for a hearing on a case which we believe addresses issues of major constitutional importance for Americans,” Moloney and McIntyre said in a statement.

The Belfast Project legal drama began in May 2011, when interviews conducted with former IRA members Dolours Price and Brendan Hughes were subpoenaed by the United States federal government, on behalf of the United Kingdom, as part of an ongoing investigation by the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) into the death of Jean McConville, an Irish widow and mother of 10 who was murdered in 1972.

Participants in interviews believed that they had been promised confidentiality until their death, but the subpoenas brought legal pressure on the University to assist the United Kingdom according to a Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT), which assures cooperation between the two countries in various legal investigations.

Though BC initially filed motions to quash the subpoenas on the Price tapes, they were denied by the courts and did not appeal, citing Price’s participation in an interview with Irish media in which she mentioned the Belfast Project as a violation of the agreement to confidentiality she signed before her interviews commenced. Brendan Hughes died in 2008 and his interviews were used as the subject of a book written by Moloney, Voices from the Grave, and thus the release of his interviews was not in dispute.

In a Letter to the Editor published in The Heights on Jan. 18, 2012, Thomas Hachey, professor of history and executive director of Irish programs, wrote, “Interviewees in [the Belfast Project] understood that divulging their participation could potentially compromise the underlying premise that such testimony remain undisclosed until the time of their demise.

“That important need for discretion was honored by all surviving participants, with the notable exception of one, Dolours Price, who chose to publicly volunteer her involvement while making some provocative statements.”

“It is a struggle between obligations,” University Spokesman Jack Dunn said in an interview with PBS NewsHour. “We have an obligation as a University to uphold the enterprise of oral history and academic research, which we value greatly, and yet we understand the government’s obligation to comply with the treaty with Great Britain, and I also feel an obligation to the McConville kids, who are looking for answers to the 40-year-old question regarding their mother’s horrific murder.”

Moloney and McIntyre criticized BC for failing to continue the fight against the release of Price’s tapes after the court’s initial ruling, and appealed the decision on the Price tapes independently from the University.

On July 6, Moloney and McIntyre were denied the right to intervene in the case. On July 8, the two announced their intention to file an appeal for a rehearing of the case en banc, which would require that the case be heard in front of the entire appeals court.

On Aug. 20, attorneys Eamonn Dornan and James J. Cotter filed an appeal for a rehearing of the case en banc on behalf of Moloney and McIntyre. In a statement dated Aug. 20, the argument for the rehearing was laid out.

“The First Circuit decision effectively precludes the assertion of U.S. constitutional rights guaranteed in the First and Fifth Amendments to the Constitution,” the two wrote. In addition, they argued that the decision by the First Circuit “bestows upon the PSNI greater powers in relation to the serving of subpoenas in the United States than could be exercised by, for instance, the FBI.”

In addition, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Massachusetts announced their intention to file an amicus brief in support of Moloney and McIntyre’s appeal.

Despite their arguments, on Aug. 31 Moloney and McIntyre were denied the right to a rehearing by the First Circuit Court of Appeal, as was the ACLU’s motion.

That same day, Moloney and McIntyre announced their intention for the case to be heard in front of the United States Supreme Court.

“In this case the plaintiffs, Ed Moloney and Anthony McIntyre have been prevented by the First Circuit decision from arguing that the PSNI action is politically motivated and that the material requested by the PSNI was available in Northern Ireland,” the two wrote in a statement dated Aug. 31. “Their lawyers argue that Moloney and McIntyre have been denied their constitutional and statutory rights and protections and suffer violations of constitutional rights if the subpoenas are enforced by the Attorney-General.”

In addition to their appeals of the case in the U.S., Moloney and McIntyre opened a second front in July by filing a review for an injunction of the subpoenas in the Belfast courts.

“The Judicial Review asks that the British Home Office’s request of assistance from the United States be quashed, the subpoenas be declared unlawful, a discontinuation of the PSNI’s application for the material, and for an injunction stopping any material from Boston College being received by the PSNI,” the two wrote in a statement dated July 5.

However, the case did not gain traction and an injunction on the materials was not filed.

While the case of the first set of subpoenas unfolded, BC was involved in a separate case involving a second set of subpoenas.

In August 2011, a separate set of subpoenas had been filed, calling for the release of any material in the Belfast Project archives relating to the disappearance of Jean McConville. Again BC filed a motion to quash the subpoenas, arguing that the subpoena was too broad and threatened oral history as a whole. However, on Dec. 27, 2011, BC was ordered to hand over the tapes by Judge William Young.

Young reviewed the tapes and selected those that he believed fit the description of the subpoena as relating to McConville’s death. Young eventually held that parts of seven different interviews held by BC were relevant to the investigation and should be handed over to the British authorities, a decision which BC appealed, again arguing that the tapes had limited value and the subpoenas were too broad.

Oral arguments for BC’s appeal will begin today, Sept. 6, at the U.S. Court of Appeals in Boston.

“We will argue that the [seven] tapes have limited probative value, and, for the sake of academic research, they should not be turned over to British authorities,” Dunn said. “Our hope is that we will prevail in our case and the only tape which will be subject to transfer to British authorities will be the Dolours Price tape, which was already made public in her interviews with Irish media.”

Unearthing the past may endanger peace process

Unearthing the past may endanger peace process
In light of the appealment of the Belfast Project case, The Heights supports Boston College’s stance
By The Heights Editorial Board
Boston College Heights
Published: Wednesday, September 5, 2012

Today, oral arguments will begin at the United States Court of Appeals in Boston in the latest legal case surrounding the Belfast Project, BC’s oral history project regarding the Troubles in Northern Ireland.

This particular case deals with the subpoena of seven interviews with former IRA members, conducted by Belfast Project researchers, that allegedly relate to the investigation of the disappearance and murder of Jean McConville, an Irish woman killed in 1972. In court, BC will argue that the tapes have “limited probative value” in the investigation, and will attempt to keep the tapes out of the hands of British authorities. The Heights fully supports this decision by the University.

In an editorial published on Nov. 16, 2011, The Heights editorial board wrote, “The Belfast Agreement of 1998, which the U.S. worked to facilitate, assured that offenses that occurred during ‘the Troubles’ would not be reopened for trial … The office acted without regard for the agreement. Many basic questions, including the origination of the subpoena in Northern Ireland, were left unanswered as the subpoena was sealed. Considering the facts of the case, the U.S. and Northern Ireland officials appealed to by the activist groups should heed their concerns.”

In addition, in an editorial published on Jan. 18, 2012, The Heights editorial board wrote, “The Heights believes that releasing tapes unrelated to the murder of McConville would be a mistake, and would endanger the lives of those involved and the reputation of oral history as a whole. It is imperative that [Judge William G.] Young exercise extreme caution when reviewing the Belfast Project.”

We continue to stand by these opinions, and support the University’s appeal against the release of the seven subpoenaed tapes. The Troubles in Northern Ireland were a violent period of conflict that resulted in the deaths of thousands of men and women. The release of interviews relating to the Troubles risks reigniting old tensions and shattering the fragile peace in Northern Ireland. In addition, releasing tapes considered confidential by interviewees greatly threatens oral history as a whole, and may inhibit participation in such projects in the future.

While The Heights recognizes that the death of Jean McConville is a tragic event, the story of McConville is, unfortunately, not unique during the period. Thousands of people on both sides of the conflict were killed throughout the Troubles, and risking an entire peace process for merely a chance at finding the answer to one case appears irresponsible. After all, it remains unclear whether any of the tapes would provide answers to the questions being asked by McConville’s children, or whether testimony in the tapes could even be entered as evidence in a legal case.

In light of the threat that releasing the tapes poses to both Irish peace and oral history, The Heights truly believes that, in this case, the past should remain the past, and the seven Belfast Project interviews being appealed in this case should be kept under lock and key.

Appeal to Boston College to Join the Fight Against Holder Subpoena

Appeal to Boston College to Join the Fray Fighting Attorney General Holder Subpoena
ANTI-SUBPOENA GROUPS INVITE BOSTON COLLEGE TO JOIN CAMPAIGN

Denver, CO & NY, NY August 15th The largest Irish American activist groups in the nation including the oldest Irish Catholic organization in America, the Ancient Order of Hibernians, have appealed to President William P. Leahy S. J. to join the educational campaign regarding Britain’s unprecedented effort in America to intimidate journalistic inquiry, academic freedom and to color the historical record of the Anglo-Irish conflict to their liking.

“We believe,” stated Thomas J. Burke Jr., President of the Irish American Unity Conference, “there is no better institution in this nation to voice concern for these issues than one so long associated with the Irish and their contributions to America.”

The letter [to Leahy] indicated that even as the Court of Appeals litigation continues to search for a decision that might recognize the constitutional freedoms involved and elevate them over the flawed inquiry by the British government, Boston College could make an immeasurable contribution to the political campaign. It could identify these larger issues by appealing to Members of Congress to hold hearings on the merits of this questionable use of a Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty.

Brendan Moore, newly elected National President of the AOH indicated “the 1998 Belfast Agreement is recognized by most in America as the turning point in the conflict and the hard work of peace can only be made more difficult by this apparent effort by the British government to undermine the peace process.”

“Boston College has rendered under to Caesar what is Caesar’s by responding to the subpoena, ” stated Robert Dunne, President of the Brehon Law Society, “and now we ask that this fine Jesuit institution speak truth to power and seek a forum to do that in the Halls of Congress.”

Letter attached:

ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS
BREHON LAW SOCIETY
IRISH AMERICAN UNITY CONFERENCE

August 16, 2012

William P. Leahy S. J.
President
Boston College
Botolph House
140 Commonwealth Avenue
Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts 02467

Dear President Leahy:

As you may know, we represent groups who have long had an interest in the conflict in Ireland and now its fledgling peace process. We have closely followed the case of Attorney General Holder’s subpoena of tapes from the Irish archives in the Burns Library. We did originally meet with Mr. Swope regarding litigation and we recognize that while we shared many of the same goals, there were different assessments of the need for appellate litigation. We believe there are serious academic and constitutional issues associated with the British fishing expedition but we also recognized that resort to the courts would be a steep climb.

We have used the time provided by the litigation to take a different and, we hope, more successful approach to these and related issues we see raised by the UK action. We initially raised our concerns with Senator Kerry. His letter to Secretary Clinton highlights several of the reasons why he is asking Secretary Clinton to oppose the release of any material to the British. His concerns focused on the misrepresentations of the British government during the adoption of related Extradition, and Mutual Legal Assistance (MLAT) treaties and their commitment to the 1998 Belfast Agreement. In addition, he shares some of our concerns about this apparent abuse of the MLAT in a matter where the totality of the circumstances does not support the assertion of a bona fide criminal investigation.

The rubber stamping of the UK request by Attorney General Holder was particularly troubling to our coalition in light of Britain’s failure to adhere to key justice provisions of the 1998 Belfast Agreement which could impede a peace process which America, and no doubt Boston College, supports. This brings us to the point of this letter.

In acceding to the demands of the subpoena, Boston College had many factors to consider beyond academic freedom and the integrity of historical research. Not the least of those may have been legal costs. But there is another option.

You can speak truth to power by giving voice to those concerns and ours if you wish. A bi-partisan coalition of twenty Members of Congress to date have joined along with Senator Kerry to write both Attorney General Holder and Secretary Clinton in opposition to the subpoenas and to the faulty and uncritical manner in which they were implemented in the U. S.

Boston College has the ability and credibility to reach out to Members of Congress and to the Jesuit network of universities to raise the issues of academic freedom which the court decisions have thus far avoided in any substantial manner. We would be grateful for an opportunity to talk with College officials about the merits of raising these concerns in the political and academic arenas. We have several Jesuit college law school graduates amongst our volunteer legal team so pleased be assured we want to do what is right.

Thank you for whatever consideration you may give this invitation. If you have any questions or are in need of any material regarding our points of advocacy, please do not hesitate to contact us.

Sincerely,

Brendan Moore
National President
Ancient Order of Hibernians

Robert Dunne Esq.
President
Brehon Law Society

Thomas J. Burke Jr. Esq
National President
Irish American Unity Conference

Cc: Ms. Kathleen McGillycuddy, Chair
Board of Trustees
Boston College

Oral History and the Law: Boston College’s Woes

Oral History and the Law: Boston College’s Woes
By Corey Boling
WITNESS.org
July 31st, 2012

At WITNESS, the importance of negotiating informed consent within human rights video is paramount. By helping interviewees recognize the reach that their testimony may have in today’s digital age, both intended and unforeseen consequences quickly become part of the greater conversation. Education is the key.

Legal proceedings surrounding Boston College’s Belfast Project are being carefully monitored and could set a dangerous precedent for future oral history projects. The Belfast Project features frank and candid admissions from former IRA paramilitaries and Northern Irish Police have requested that US courts order the interviews to be released into the public domain. Paying particular attention to the testimony of Dolores Price, a conspirator in the 1973 bombing of London’s Old Bailey Court, Boston College could potentially be ordered to turn over transcripts and tapes that may endanger lives while undermining Boston College’s commitment to keeping the interviews sealed until the interviewees’ deaths.

Gabriel Solis, the Guantanamo Bay Project Program Director at Columbia University’s Center for Oral History (CCOH), has been following this case very closely. “One of the things that I always tell our interviewees is that the one thing we cannot protect our interviews from is a subpoena,” says Solis. “The reason why they have subpoenaed those interviews and that the government is involved is because they think that those interviews have information about an ongoing investigation.”

Interviewing over 50 ‘narrators’ including civilian attorneys, military prosecutors, prison guards, investigative journalists, and former detainees, much of the CCOH’s Guantanamo Bay Project is uncharted territory for an Ivy League institution historically focused on the development of less controversial cultural collections. “The project’s relatively new and these are new issues at our Center as we haven’t dealt with such sensitive material before. It’s only been within the past 10 years that we’ve started moving toward human rights issues, controversial issues. These are new issues for us but it’ll be interesting to see how the leadership deals with them as they come up,” says Solis.

Hoping to avoid much of the hoopla surrounding Boston College’s woes, Solis emphasizes the Center’s preemptive approach. By maintaining a tightly knit chain of custody, often times consisting of no more than three people, the Guantanamo Bay Project maintains a firm grip on all of the information it receives. But perhaps more pivotal to the Project’s success is its emphasis on transparently educating participants and revisiting consent.

Terrell Frazier, Director of Outreach and Education at the CCOH, punctuates this point. “In an oral history interview, consent is a process and it’s a consent-driven process from A-Z,” says Frazier. From the initial phone call though to dissemination (or lack thereof), every effort is made to ensure that the interviewee understands that they are in complete control. Solis explains how “At the point that we get the transcript back, we send it to the interviewee so they can take out any information that they want. They can clarify any information that they want. They can omit information. They can even add information.” And reminiscent of the terms under which Boston College promised to seal many of its IRA testimonies, Frazier adds that the CCOH also allows for “sections of that interview to be closed for many years. Or in some cases the interview can be closed until a particular person passes away.”

But Frazier argues that renegotiating consent is more than just providing interviewees opportunities for revision and suppression. “If we’re interviewing someone talking about a sensitive topic, then before the conversation gets to a level where there might be legal implications, we may pause the interview and remind the person that we don’t have protections that journalists do and that these interviews are vulnerable to subpoena,” – certainly a strategy now being discussed at Boston College.

But in a rapidly evolving digital world, the potential reach and impact of evocative testimony can easily ricochet across the information super highway. So how does the CCOH protect its interviewees? Flexing its technological muscle, dedicated specialists within the greater Columbia University Libraries system are capable of removing previously posted online material by leveraging personal relationships already established within Google. “We do have the ability to pull the interview and the records from our online database. And with some work, we could suppress the record from Google itself so it wouldn’t come up in a search,” states Frazier. But in a highly searchable world, Google’s willingness to remove results – even when justified by a critical need – raises eyebrows as to the impact of the company’s growing power in increasingly diverse arenas.

But what about the accuracy of what is being said? How does an oral history project authenticate the testimonies it collects? Of course, extensive background research, comparisons of multiple interviews, and an elongated interview process all help to cross-check for accuracy, but Solis questions the need:

There’s a difference between journalism and oral history. We think there is meaning in all kinds of stories even if they’re inaccurate. Why do people choose to interpret their past a certain way? Even if it can’t be reconciled with the historical record or with fact? We think that there is meaning in silences, when people are speaking and then they stop. Or the way that their voices rise and fall; we find meaning in that.

Unfortunately for some of the interviewees in the Belfast Project, so do the Northern Irish Police.

Intrigued by the intersection of oral histories and video advocacy? Keep an eye out for my upcoming post highlighting StoryCorps’ work across the US.

Corey Boling is a graduate student in Museum Anthropology at Columbia University and a Program Intern at WITNESS.

Irish National Congress: Decision on tapes bizarre

Decision on tapes bizarre
Tom Cooper
Cathaoirleach
Irish National Congress
Dublin

By any standards, the decision of the 1st US Circuit Court of Appeal to order Boston College to hand over recordings of taped interviews with dozens of former IRA and UVF members, which were conducted on the basis of confidentiality, poses a threat to the safety of those involved is bizarre and has significant implications for future academic and journalistic research

These interviews were recorded and collated for Boston College’s Belfast Project and participants were assured that the interviews would not be published while they were alive. British prosecutors, in collaboration with the US Justice Department, want access to the tapes to aid their efforts to investigate past crimes in Northern Ireland. Perhaps the British government might display unequivocal moral leadership on this issue and lead by example.

In 1984, following a string of allegations about a shoot-to-kill policy in Northern Ireland carried out by the RUC and British Army, the British Government set up the Stalker/Sampson Inquiry. Families of those killed in this alleged shoot-to-kill policy are still awaiting justice. Despite a four-year investigation into these allegations, the final Report has never been published.

Then in 1989, the Stevens Inquiry was established by the British government to investigate claims of collusion between the RUC, M15, British Intelligence forces and loyalist paramilitaries in Northern Ireland’s ‘dirty war’. Following a six-year Inquiry by the Commissioner of the London Metropolitan Police Service, Sir John Stevens, culminating in three separate reports, only 19 pages of the 3,000-page final report were made public.

Furthermore, there have been three Joint Oireachtas Committee reports into the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1974. Since then the democratic pursuit of justice for the 33 innocent people killed in the biggest mass murder in Irish history has led to deadends and cul-de-sacs.

Requests from Mr Justice Henry Barron in the Final Report of the Commission of Investigation into these bombings for documentation which was in the possession of the British government, and which would have been vital in establishing the identity of those responsible for this atrocity, were refused.

Even recent requests from Taoiseach Enda Kenny to David Cameron to release files relevant to these cases were refused.

Such double-standards.

If the British government is to be seen to be consistent, fair and open in its application of standards of justice, why does it not apply equally the judicial principles it demands from Boston, to Belfast, London, and Dublin?